Singapore gay history
The Pre-British era
There exist no known written records of same-sex love in pre-colonial Singapore and, as a corollary, of any 'movement' in reaction to perceived or real oppression of such activity. Prior to the arrival of British traders and colonists in 1819, the island was largely populated by Malays of the Johor-Riau archipelago triangle who engaged mainly in subsistence farming, fishery and trade.
We can extrapolate from the culture of contemporary Malays that there was probably much tolerance to surreptitious homosexual activity, as evidenced by the absence of any vocal or physical violence against such individuals outside of the framework of the imported Islamic social system.
Effeminate men are derisively called 'bapok' or 'pondan' (see Singapore gay terminology), but apart from being teased and regarded ceteris paribus as having a lower status than their more masculine counterparts, there is no hatred directed against them, as is so often the situation in the West. Transvestites or 'mak nyah' have their own niche in traditional Malay society. Never have they banded together to form a movement because it was never warranted in the absence of overt oppression.
Under British colonial administration
With the advent of British colonisation and the imposition of their legal system which criminalised sodomy, there must have been instances where flagrant gay sex in back alleys and public toilets met with suppression by the Police, but criminal prosecutions were rare. Aggrieved individuals would have wanted to speak out but as they had no social network, most suffered in silence and became more discreet with their sex lives. Southern Chinese and Indians were imported as indentured labourers to oil the gears of the British entrepôt economy. Most arrived without wives or girlfriends (the male to female ratio of the Chinese at the time being 15:1), so they relieved their sexual tensions with prostitutes or other men.
Image:PassionsOfTheCutSleeve001.jpg
Bret Hinsch in chapter 6 of his book 'Passions of the Cut Sleeve: the Male Homosexual Tradition in China' has detailed evidence, derived from the works of literati Li Yu and Shen De Fu, of institutionalised gay marriage practices amongst Hokkien men in Ming dynasty China(see also: [1]). However, it is not known if the subculture was exported along with the human tide into Singapore. The intense bonds of Chinese triad brotherhood must have led to sexual liaisons between those with a homosexual orientation. This was well tolerated amongst the Chinese and no oppression would have resulted within their own community.
Similarly, amongst the Indians, Dravidian versions of the Northern Indian 'maasti' or sexual play between men who were not necessarily gay must have been widespread with the paucity of women and also well-tolerated by the local community.
In Peranakan or Baba culture, male-to-female cross-dressing was often indulged in for fun or for performances. It enjoyed community support and was not frowned upon. Vestiges of this tradition continue to this very day in the theatrical productions of the Gunung Sayang Association (See Singapore gay theatre).
Before Singapore gained its independence from the United Kingdom, the main racial groups of Malays, Chinese and Indians had very little concept of 'human rights', which was largely a product of Western civilisation. Eastern society emphasised duties, obligations and knowing one's place in a hierarchical society. The fact that a coolie enjoyed fewer rights than a government official was tolerated due to the pervasive influence of Hinduism throughout Southeast Asia, the doctrine of karma and Confucianism. Such a system was rarely considered unfair. Moreover, many Chinese and Indians regarded themselves as sojourners. Thus, any notion of gays banding together to speak out against the injustice of the British Penal Code must have been extremely remote indeed.
The Japanese occupation
When the Japanese imperial army invaded Singapore in February 1942 and renamed it Syonan-to, the British legal system was toppled overnight and replaced by the Japanese one. Unbeknownst to all save the elite few who possessed a knowledge of Japanese culture either through erudition or travel, homosexuality suddenly became legitimate as it was never criminalised in Japan. In fact, the Japanese military, who revered the Bushido code, were the inheritors of a tradition which extolled homosexuality as a higher form of love. It was widely indulged in by the Samurai of yore (see Homosexuality in Japan).
A major Japanese operation, locally known as 'Sook Ching', was conducted to cleanse the local Chinese population of anti-Japanese elements. Not only were those who were fingered by informants and suspected of harbouring anti-Japanese sentiments sent to be shot, but also any able-bodied, good-looking male in the prime of his life. Such a person would constitute a potential threat to the invaders by virtue of his genetic and physical health. It is estimated that 25,000 to 50,000 were massacred, amongst them the finest specimens of Chinese Singaporean manhood.
Thus, in one fell swoop, the strong and handsome were culled, leaving their physically less perfect brethren to survive and propagate their gene pool into modern-day Singapore. The feared practice of Japanese soldiers ransacking homes and carting off pretty daughters to become spouses in Japan was less prevalent than in Malaysia, but must have occurred to some degree. Especially from the gay male point of view, this represented an enormous loss to society. It dealt a severe blow to the model of an egalitarian homosexual relationship between two strong, handsome men as these specimens had suddenly become a rarity. The deficiency would take decades to redress itself, aided by Chinese immigration from neighbouring Malaysia and mainland China.
Any increased leeway gay men must have felt about their sexuality under the Japanese occupation was severely mitigated by the harshness of everyday life, eking out a bare existence.
After World War II
The overthrow of the Japanese in August 1945 by Allied forces resulted in jubilation, tinged with regret, amongst the gay population. The British legal system was reinstated, with the notorious section 377 of the Singapore Penal Code, criminalising all sexual acts 'against the order of nature'.
The incompetence and unfairness of the British post-war administration in addressing the economic plight of Singaporeans sowed the seed of the concept of self-determination within the local populace. Not only was the idea of independence mulled over, but also of universal human rights, including gay equality.
Independence
Along the tortuous road to complete independence from the United Kingdom in 1959 and subsequently from the Malaysian federation in 1965 came the drafting of the Constitution and the gradual repeal of colonial laws which discriminated on the basis of race, language and religion. Homosexuals, however, were dismayed by the glaring absence of any categorical statement outlawing discrimination due to sexual orientation. In those days, homosexuality as a topic was taboo. One did not even mention it in polite society, much less agitate to have it included in an official document, owing to stigmatisation by generations of imported Victorian morality.
As a segment of a newly-independent republic with the schizoid qualities of both optimism and insecurity, gay Singaporeans were exhorted to build Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew's vision of 'a rugged society'. This implied promoting masculine values, a dedication to work and self-sacrifice. Yellow culture (pornography and vice) were driven underground so as not to distract from his goal.
Thus, self-expression, sexuality and leisure had to take a back seat to nation building. This was somewhat to the consternation of gays, who were compelled to remain largely in the closet, due to the lack of official and social tolerance and an altogether different focus in priorities. However, every homosexual citizen accepted the status quo as Singapore had to survive as a sovereign nation.
Nocturnal cruising in back alleys, public parks and toilets went on as usual, hidden from official scrutiny, as it always had in all societies since the dawn of civilisation. Gays indulging in such activities were in the most part left unimpeded by the Police, perhaps guided by the pioneering Government's conviction not to let any Singaporean be discriminated against, as most were under British and Federal Malaysian rule. No one was charged under section 377 of the Singapore Penal Code.
In fact, the authorities knew full well that transvestite prostitution took place in Bugis Street and Johore Road, but turned a blind eye, regarding it as an undesirable but inevitable vice. Ironically, such liaisons contributed to the fledgling economy by drawing revenue from passing sailors who patronised the streetwalkers. Moreover, the strutting and pouting transvestites of Bugis Street were one of Singapore's biggest tourist attractions, commanding an international clientèle of gawkers and providing a considerable boost to the tourism segment of the economy in addition to stimulating the vibrancy of local nightlife.
On a more socially respectable level, homosexuals who were more in control of their libidos and who upheld fidelity or serial monogamy forged closeted relationships, be they transient or permanent, with their lovers. Some moved in with each other and passed themselves off as uncle and nephew, or elder and younger blood brothers if their age difference was not too great. Few came out to a tradition-bound society which preferred not to hear the truth anyway. Lesbian cohabitation was more uncommon as women were under greater pressure to get married to opposite-sex spouses and bear children. Samsui women, who were hardy, sworn-spinsters working mainly at construction sites, lived in all-female enclaves but it is not known for certain if some developed sexual relationships with others. On a platonic level, homosexuals formed cliques with like-minded friends and held social gatherings at each others' homes.
National service was implemented in 1967, whereby all 18-year old males were required to train full-time for two or two-and-a-half years, depending on their educational attainment. Homosexuality, and later, transsexuality were listed as conditions in a Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) 'Directory of Diseases' and recruits who outed themselves to the examining doctors at the Central Manpower Base (CMPB) at Dempsey Road had their 'deployability' denied in sensitive positions. They were classified as snigger-worthy Category 302 personnel, downgraded to a Public Employment Status of 3 (PES3) and assigned only clerical work at army bases. This was because the SAF was unsure of the effect of homosexuals living and working for prolonged periods with straight combat servicemen. Later, when physical fitness tests were introduced, they were excused from two 'static stations' eg. pull-ups and sit-ups. Little did the SAF, in its apparent naïveté, know that thousands upon thousands of closeted homosexuals would serve out their patriotic obligations for generations to come without undue incident.
The 1970s
With the prosperity that prudent policies of promoting foreign multinational investment brought, while other regional countries were mired in the inefficiencies of import substitution and socialist economics, those homosexuals, especially the English-educated who could afford air travel were exposed to the liberalism of the West and the nascent gay movements there. In the early days of accessible mass air transport, the destinations of choice were the Anglophone countries of the West and Australia. Nouveau-riche gay Chinese-educated businessmen and professionals were banned from travelling to Red China and were thus also introduced to the Western cultural environment via tourism. In the early years, Indochina was a no-go area because it was in the grip of violent communist insurgencies and Thailand was a poor second-choice destination because it did not hold as much superficial prestige and allure as Europe and America did.
Exposure to Western liberal democracy, its media and literature whetted the appetite of progressive homosexuals with the hope that the local polity and social milieu could evolve into one which could tolerate their sexuality. The growing popularity of travel to Thailand and Japan in the late 70's also opened the eyes of Singaporean gays to the possibility that an Asian society could be conservative and traditional, but yet accepting of homosexuals as an integral part of it.
The majority of gays, however, could not afford international air travel in the early 70's and were restricted to stereotypical portrayals of themselves as effeminate or cross-dressing salacious individuals, fed by the heavily-censored media who were prevented from depicting any positive images of homosexuals whatsoever. As such, their self-respect and sense of community were sorely lacking.
Savvy entrepreneurs saw the unmet social demands of the pink market and gingerly allowed their establishments to cater to a gay customer base on certain nights. One of the first was The Hangar, located in a relatively secluded out-of-town area where, for the first time, a large group of predominantly men could dance together with gay abandon. Encouraged by this precedence, homosexuals started to patronise other, mainly straight, discos in the city area such as My Place, Black Velvet, West End, El Morroco, The Library, Studio M and even the NCO Club at Beach Road. Heterosexual clubbers who had never beheld such a sight were perturbed enough to complain so that the managements of some of these outlets were pressurised by the authorities to display signs proclaiming 'No man and man dancing' (sic). By and by, the ruling was relaxed for fast numbers but homosexuals flouting this Out-of-Bounds marker by waltzing to the slow ones were promptly cautioned to behave.
Nightclubs like Pebbles Bar located on the ground floor of the now demolished Hotel Singapura, and less popularly Treetops Bar at the Holiday Inn, were increasingly packing in the gays and became iconic institutions of the local gay scene.
In 1971, an exposé of the hidden lives of homosexuals in the English language evening tabloid of the day, The New Nation, entitled 'They are different' carried a large photograph of a pair of holding hands apparently belonging to lesbians. It cause quite a stir, with schoolgirls all abuzz, and jolted the mainstream consciousness into realising the existence of non-stereotypical gays who were just like the average Jill or Joe on the street. Some readers were shocked, whilst others delighted, at the startling revelation that non-transvestite commercial homosexual services were available in Singapore.
During the decade, there was a well-known transsexual model featured occasionally in Her World magazine. On the silver screen, cinema goers enjoyed a Chinese language Shaw Brothers production entitled 'Ai Nu' (Love Slave) which starred actresses Lily Ho and Pei Ti as a lesbian couple in a period setting. In the final scene when Lily Ho wanted to desert Pei Ti to pair off with the male hero, she was asked for a final kiss. Whilst they were kissing, Pei Ti sneaked a poison pill into her mouth which she bit, thus transforming it into a poignant kiss of death.
Cinema patrons and television viewers were also made aware of the women's and black liberation movements in America. Singaporean gays could see the parallels between those social movements and their own desire to struggle for equality.
The building of numerous public swimming pools across the island gave Singapore the highest density of public pools per unit area in the world. This, coupled with the mushrooming of many shopping centres increased the amount of enclosed public spaces in which homosexuals could cruise. Reclamation of land along the East Coast provided secluded stretches of beach which also became novel frolicking grounds. It became inevitable that complaints would rise, a factor which led to the phenomenon of police entrapment more than a decade later.
As Singaporean surgeons became more skillful, some like Prof. S Shan Ratnam were authorised to perform male-to-female sex-reassignment surgery at Kandang Kerbau Hospital from 1971 onwards. However, before hopeful transsexuals-to-be could go under the knife, they first had to subject themselves to an exhaustive battery of tests and be given a clean psychological bill of health by chief academic psychiatrist Prof. Tsoi Wing Foo. Later, the more technically-demanding female-to-male variety was also offered there and at Alexandra Hospital, performed by gynaecologists such as Dr. Ilancheran. A Gender Identity Clinic and Gender Reassignment Surgery Clinic were set up at the National University Hospital two decades later. In fact, for thirty years, Singapore was one of the world leaders in gender-reassignment surgery. This gave a new lease of life to the many transexuals who felt trapped in bodies of the wrong sex. Thus, Bugis Street and Johore Road started to become populated with a range of genders from transvestites to iatrogenic intersex individuals to fully transformed women.
Towards the end of the decade, reliable information disseminated through the grapevine made the gay populace aware of the sexuality of certain television producers, local sporting superstars, pop idols, sons and nephews of ministers and MPs, and even Government ministers themselves. Therefore, they came to realise that homosexuality was present within the highest echelons of Singaporean society, an epiphany which ratcheted up their self-respect by several notches.
The 1980s
The early 80s was a period of widespread prosperity and new freedoms which saw the opening of clubs like Shadows, Marmota, Legend and Niche which catered to a predominantly gay clientèle even though they were not exclusively gay. These discoes would be closed by the time of the mid-80s, for unclear reasons, to be replaced by weekly Sunday Night Gay Parties or "Shadow Nights" run by the former management of Shadows (affectionately known as the "Shadow Management"). These "Shadow Nights" were roving events held at semi-permanent venues which included Rascals (at the Pan Pacific Hotel), Heartthrob (at Melia at Scotts), The Gate (at Orchard Hotel), Music World (in Katong) and Studebaker's which later morphed into Venom (at Pacific Plaza). It is interesting to note that men's night parties held since Studebaker's were no longer run by the "Shadow Management"
These events were now officially sanctioned and no longer discouraged by their managements. No Police raids at these establishments took place. With these weekly gatherings for energetic dancing to let off steam and meet new friends, homosexuals felt the first bonds of a relatively cohesive community- a warm feeling of being welcomed into a new brotherhood, in contradistinction to erstwhile isolation, alienation and loneliness for many.
Distant rumblings of a nebulous entity dubbed the 'gay plague', later standardised in nomenclature as AIDS, were heard emanating from America. There was some relief when US doctors discovered that it affected not exclusively gays, but also Haitians and haemophiliacs. However, it caused some local homosexuals to cast a wary eye on Caucasians and promiscuous Singaporeans returning from Western countries. The possibility that it would become a problem here seemed remote at the time.
It came as a shock when the first case of local HIV infection was reported in 1985. It galvanised a group of healthcare personnel (both gay and straight) to set up a non-governmental organization (NGO) called Action For AIDS (AFA) in 1988 which provided support and counseling for AIDS victims as well as educating the public on safe sex. AFA was not technically part of the Singapore gay movement and has been careful to present itself as an NGO dealing with a public health issue. However, a significant portion of the energy and leadership behind it has been provided by gay people and in many practical ways AFA has rallied homosexuals around a cause.
A gap in the local pink economy, which provided no outlet for men to have sex with other men on its premises, prompted many to travel to Bangkok. With its much vaunted acceptance of homosexuals and wild nightlife, Thailand became the destination of choice for gays seeking to indulge their carnal fantasies. Many returned with the hope that Singapore could one day be as open and tolerant of homosexuality as our near-neighbour was.
Cruising areas like Hong Lim Park, Boat Quay, back alleys in the Central Business District and Tanjong Pagar, swimming pools, Fort Road Beach and public toilets all experienced greater throughput. Police patrols to these areas were sporadically seen and on rare occasions, individuals had their IC numbers recorded, but for the most part, they were left alone to pursue their yearnings and no arrests were made.
From the mid-80's onwards, pubs and karaoke bars like Babylon and Inner Circle started to sprout up along Tanjong Pagar. Sizable groups of gay men could be seen milling about outside these establishments especially on weekends. This, along with cruising activity at nearby Ann Siang Hill and the surrounding back alleys gave Tanjong Pagar Road the reputation of being Singapore's Castro Street, after its San Francisco counterpart.
Large bookshops like Borders, Kinokuniya, Tower Books and even MPH responded to the growing body of gay literature mainly from America by discreetly stocking these books along with those on women's issues in sections euphemistically entitled 'Gender Studies'. With strong demand from the local gay community, the books eventually occupied most of the shelf space. In the late 90's, the red herring 'Gender Studies' moniker was replaced by a more frank title of 'Alternative Literature', which although a step closer to the truth, still falls short of the ideally accurate 'Gay and Lesbian Literature' by which it is known in the West. Straight salespeople would sometimes look curiously at patrons who hung around for long periods at these sections to see what sort of people read these books. In the late 80's, pictorial calenders of handsome, hunky, bare-chested Asian men also made their appearance, even in thoroughly local bookshops such as Popular Bookstore, a phenomenon which the authorities appeared to have no qualms about.
Individual artists, poets and writers became more expressive of their sexuality in their work, further imparting a sublime cultural sheen to local gay life.
The 1990s
The heady days of unmitigated expansion of available gay spaces experienced in the 80's were curbed to some degree in the early 90's. Singapore's breakneck economic growth was being attributed to 'Asian values', the most vociferous proponent of whom was Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew. 'Family values' was seen as an integral subset of these and touted with much verve by the politically commandeered local media. No one took seriously an American academic's assertion that the rapid growth of the Asian Newly Industrialising Economies (NIEs) was mainly due to massive government-directed input factors, much like the Soviet one of the 1950's, and that this would slow considerably in future without true productivity increases or innovation.
Gays were perceived of as somewhat of a threat to Asian values in some quarters of the Establishment and complaints made by members the straight public against rampant cruising led to the implementation of Police entrapment. This occurred both in the back alleys of the city area and at Fort Road Beach. Good-looking undercover cops would pose as homosexual cruisers and chat up unsuspecting gays in these areas. These decoys would behave suggestively, and the moment they were fondled by their targets, the latter would be arrested for outrage of modesty. Their names and occasionally mugshots were published in the press to humiliate them.
The most publicised case occurred in a forested grove near Tanjong Rhu's Fort Road Beach in November 1993. Amongst the 12 men arrested was a Singapore Broadcasting Corporation producer. All were punished with three strokes of the cane and prison sentences ranging from 2 to 6 months.
The gay community was outraged by what they felt was a gross infringement of their right to consensual adult homosexual acts. Heterosexual Singaporeans could continue to have sex in parked cars and in secluded public areas with impunity, whilst homosexuals were being singled out for vilification. As a token of protest, a performance artist named Josef Ng staged a work on New Year's eve, 1993, in which he snipped off his pubic hair while his back was turned to the audience. This provoked a severe government reprisal in the form of a ban on all performance art, one that holds to this day. Ng was charged in court for committing an obscene act in public. See Singapore gay movement for further details.
Gay discos started to experience occasional Police raids, the most well-known of which occurred at Rascals on 30 May 1993, where policemen shouted at patrons and were inappropriately rude. A gay lawyer who was present, later enlisted the support of 21 other gay professionals in writing a letter of complaint to the Chief of Police. To everyone's surprise, they received an apology! This would be the last documented case of Police harassment at gay discos for many years to come.
The local media, especially The New Paper, began to sensationalise homosexual activities which they invariably portrayed as undesirable. Attention-grabbing headlines like 'Swimming Pool Perverts' or 'Homosexuals Pollute East Coast' were used to boost sales.
In 1992, the Censorship Review Committee recommended that 'materials encouraging homosexuality should continue to be disallowed.' In 1996, I-S Magazine’s publishing license was suspended for one issue because of gay content appearing in the personal ads section. The latter had steadily grown in popularity over the past few years as an avenue for homosexuals to meet up.
It was against this deterioration in public image and treatment that a Singapore gay movement emerged.
The most revolutionary factor which surfaced to facilitate the development of a sense of community amongst Singaporean gays was the widespread availability of the Internet and affordable access to the World Wide Web in the mid-90's.
For the first time, gay surfers could e-mail messages in the blink of an eye to complete strangers, both locally and abroad, who shared the same interests. They could also anonymously make their displeasure about official discrimination known to the Government, who was previously unaware of the feelings of this 'invisible' population, via mainstream discussion groups such as soc.culture.singapore and Sintercom. Astute activists such as Alex Au, the founder of People Like Us, the first gay equality organisation in Singapore, saw the potential of the Internet as a vehicle to unite the gay community and foment intellectual discussion. The Singapore Gay News List (SigNeL) was started on 15 March 1997 and has been instrumental in discussing and formulating strategies to achieve the goals of the homosexual populace. On Oct 15 1998, RedQuEEn!, an e-mail list for queer-identified women was established. Au also launched his Yawning Bread website in November 1996, to which he would contribute the most thorough analyses of issues facing the local gay community. It would also serve as a detailed, annotated chronicle of evolving Singapore gay history.
On the leisure front, LGBTs could visit foreign websites to remain updated on gay news from around the globe or even view and download pornography, thus effectively bypassing Singapore's Undesirable Publications Act.
To enable censorship of undesirable sites, all Internet traffic into and out of Singapore was required to be routed through local proxy servers. As a token of this restriction, to placate especially religious fundamentalists and ultraconservatives, access to prominent straight porn websites such as Playboy and Penthouse was blocked, but gay sites, pornographic or otherwise, were left for the most part untouched, to the glee of LGBT surfers. The official line was that the Government wanted to curb immoral influences without unduly hindering the development of the Internet. However, websites of local origin were monitored more closely than those from overseas.
Web services like IRC and ICQ allowed locals to engage in online chat not only with fellow gay Singaporeans but also with the international gay community. What started out as a communication tool for like-minded university students soon became a key "gay space" with the entry of players like Singnet and Pacific Internet which provided reasonably-priced internet access services. Notable IRC channels which fostered gay dialog included #GAM & #GSG.
One of the most important LGBT events of the decade took place in 1996 when Alex Au submitted the first application for registration of People Like Us (PLU) as a society, together with 9 other signatories after a year of painstaking effort to solicit their willingness. The application forms were lodged with the Registrar of Societies on 7 November 1996. However, the application was rejected the following year on 9 April 1997 with no reason given. PLU's appeals all the way to the Prime Minister's Office met with no success. This rejection was reported by news agencies around the world.
For over two decades, post-operative transsexuals had been discreetly lobbying to be given the right to have their new sex reflected in their identity cards (but not their birth certificates) and to get married to opposite-sex spouses. They were finally granted their wish on 24 January 1996 via an announcement by MP Abdullah Tarmugi without much public fanfare or opposition.
On 11 December 1998, Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew responded to a gay man's question about the place of homosexuals in Singapore, live on CNN International by saying, '...what we are doing as a government is to leave people to live their own lives so long as they don't impinge on other people. I mean, we don't harass anybody.' These momentous words would set the tenor for official policy on homosexuality for many years to come and may be regarded as the most significant event, as far as gay rights are concerned, of the decade, if not of the century.
0 Comments:
Post a Comment
<< Home